It’s less than six months
since Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg launched the ‘youth contract’, the
coalition’s big idea for cutting youth unemployment. One shouldn’t therefore
read too much into the fact that the £1 billion package of wage subsidies and
work experience placements has so far failed to dent the problem (indeed the
most recent available data show that the number of unemployed young people in
the 18-24 age group targeted by the contract increased between April and July).
But while the jury is still out, the court of policy appraisal today received
disconcerting testimony from the cross party House of Commons Work and Pensions
select committee which places a serious question mark over the central wage
subsidy element of the contract.
In their report Youth Unemployment and the Youth Contract,
MPs on the committee, though generally supportive of the contract in principle,
doubt whether offering employers a financial incentive of up to £2,275 if they
hire and employ a young jobless person for six months will succeed in helping
160,000 young people into work. Not only is the committee sceptical that the
incentive is big enough to attract enough employers but its report also quotes
a senior DWP civil servant who states that both UK and international evidence
for the effectiveness of such subsidies is ‘varied and patchy’ (mandarin speak
for ‘they aren’t that great’) .
I’m not at all surprised by
this. At present the main factors deterring employers from hiring young
unemployed people are actual lack of demand for products and services,
uncertainty about future demand, inadequate credit available to small
businesses which prevents them from expanding, and a shortage of suitably
qualified or experienced applicants from the pool of young unemployed.
A financial incentive is
unlikely to encourage employers to recruit young workers they can’t use or
don’t want. As a result the policy will either attract too few employers or mainly
operate to the advantage of those employers who are already recruiting young
people, resulting in considerable deadweight subsidy with relatively little net
impact on youth unemployment. Increasing
the size of the subsidy, which the Commons committee suggests might prove necessary,
would probably attract more takers but wouldn’t remove the problem of deadweight.
Moreover, in a labour market
experiencing a serious shortage of demand, a financial incentive to recruit
young people from the eligible target group will reduce the chances of other
unemployed people being hired, so the net impact on total unemployment is zero.
This in itself is not a reason for objecting to the subsidy since one might
prefer to shift the burden of unemployment from young people to others,
especially if limiting the well-known ‘scarring’ effects of youth unemployment is
a policy objective. But this is very much a second best solution when what’s
desperately needed are demand side measures to boost economic growth and cut
joblessness for people across the age spectrum
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